TIN SOSTRE in Court edited by Bob McCubbin issued by the MARTIN SOSTRE DEFENSE COMMITTEE July 1969 Martin Sostre, Prison Revolutionary By Lorenzo Komboa Ervin Even in this generation, many young activsts know of George Jackson aka “Comrade George,” Black Panther leader, revolutionary prison writer and organizer who was assassinated in August, 1971, in the California penitentiary, San Quer Yet,in the late 1960s and early 1970's, Martin Sostre (1923-2015) was every bit as well known as a prison activist, revolutionary, and jailhouse lawyer, who almost single-handedly won democratic rightsfor prisoners to eceive and read revolutionary iterature, write books, worship altemative: religious faths, to not be held indefinitely i solitary confinement, and to obtain legal rights to have access to legal rights at disciplinary proceedings. He was the one responsible for prisoners being able to organize during the prison struggle 1967-1974, These lawsuits changed prison conditions nationwide. He had served a sentence in Atica, New York, during the early 1960's and went through a poltcal metamorphosis from a Black Muslim (NOD. Black natonalis, and later an Anarchit In 1966, he got out of prison, came home to Buffalo, N.Y. and started the Afro-Asian Bookstore in the Black community. Sostre’s bookstore became center of radical thought and poliica education in that city. A Black “iot” against police brutalty of 2 Black youth broke out a this time, and Sostre was blamed for this rebellon since many youth visited his bookstore. The city cops and white political establishment chafed at Sostre's organizing and political education, and decided to shut him down. They amested him on July 14, 1967, along with a bookstore co-worker, and charged them with “sale of narcotics iot, arson, and assault” These were totaly frame-up charges, but he was sentenced to 41 years in prison. Recognizing this injustice, an international campaign was begun on his behalf by his supporters and fellow actvists. At one point, he became the best known political prisoner in the world, and his case becare adopted by Amnesty Intemational, the prisoner of conscience organization in 1973 This was a fist for US. politica prisoners and put tremendous pressure on the state of New York and the US. ‘goverment.Finaly his worldwide defense organization pressured the New York state governor to grant Sostre an executive clemency, and he was released in 1976, Historical Importance of Martin Sostre y Sostre’s politcal consciousness and legal activism opened the door for prisoners to have legal and human rights and the ability to organize at @ time of civilrights, Black Power, the New Left, and the Vietnam anti-war movements. At ohe stage, 1970-1976, the prison movement became the central protest movement in America, especially after the August politcal assassination of George Jackson, and the September, 1971 Attca rebellion, The protest a Attica was put down with a bloody massacre by prison and poliical offcals, but it opened the eyes of milions all over the world to American sate violence and racism. A mass prison support movement arose almost ovemight, which demanded human rights for prisoners. There is no doubt that the prior demands of Martin Sostre, i his writings and prisoner’ rights awsuits, who had been imprisoned at Atica some years previous, played a role ideologically. Sostre's strugle inside as politcal prisoner was clearly bound.up with what became the Attica Rebelion. Contrary to prison offcials’ accounts which now claim that the so-alled Atica prison “riot” had taken place because of a “gang of criminals* who took guards hostage for no good reason, the truth is New York State offcals refused to listen to Sostre or even the federal courts ‘which over the years had ordered an end to brutality, racism, and mistreatment of the men inside. The prisoners took matters into their own hands, demanding human rights and an end to racist abuse with the 1971 rebelion, which shook America and the entire world. Martin Sostre and Me met Martn Sostre at the Federal Detention Center in New York City in August/September, 1969. I had just been brought back to the USA from Berin, Germany, for hijacking a plane to Cuba earfer that year. He had sued prison offcials and been transferred to federal prison to await a. hearing. I did't know who he was at the time, but someone said he was an “actvist prisoner” and that I should talk to hir. A scowling, powerfully built Black man, he looked like a teacher, which in many ways he was, just a revolutionary teacher. So, | went up and introduced myself, and we started talking about prison generally, but he was interested in my case and how the CIA had captured me, and we started {alking about that. He was concerned that I ould be sentenced to death by an alk-white Southern jury. Heknew it was a political case, and so we talked about what | could do about t. Almost every day that I saw him, we would go over my case, and he ‘would give me legal advice. Somewhere along the line, we started talking ‘about revolutionary politcs generally, and he bounced a new word on me: “Anarchist Socialism. I had no idea what he was talking about at the time. Ihad just come from Cuba, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany, which called themselves "socialist republics 5o | thought L knew all about it Iwas wrong. He explained to me about “self-governing socialism.” which he described as free of state bureaucracy, any kind of party or leader dictatorship. Almost every day he regaled me about “direct democracy, “communitarianism,” “radical autonomy,”“general assemblies,” and other stuff 1 knew nothing about. 5o just fistened for hours as he schooled me. The intialideas for Black autonomy, within the overall Anarchist movement, came from these sessions. As a Black Puerto Rican, Sostre felt alienated from his community, and since much of the analysis about Black oppression and Socialism was by white radicals,he had originally gravitated into Black nationalism. It was only later during his time in prison that he gravitated into Anarchist Socialism. He told me endlessly that Sociaism and Anarchism were for all people, not just Europeans and well-to-do intellectuals. It was universal. At first, had serious doubts about althi, as it seemed just more white radical student ideology. They were not sympatheic to the Black struggle, and they were not working class or poor. Sostre's ideas, however, were that Anarchists of color must build their “wing" of the Anarchist movement. He didn't call it Black Autonomy, but that is what it was. 1 did not even consider myself at the time as an Anarchist, and did not fully understand what he told me. But | had seen fist-hand “Soviet Socialism” and was not impressed. It was eliit, authoritarian, and oppressive. | could say the same thing about "Manist-Leninist Maois which helped to destroy the the 1960's New Left, and the radical wing of the Black Power Movement, with cult of personality, midde class snobbery, ‘maripulation, and opporturism. Even before meeting Martin Sostre, | was definitely already looking for something new, and willing to consider Anarchism. But only years later, serving lfe in prison,is when I really started into Anarchist politcal education, as Sostre suggested. I started reading Anarchist books and papers, and started corresponding with Anarchist figures and groups all over the world. These discussions with Martin Sostre were invaluable in broadening my thinking about a radical politcal aternative. also found out about many “unknown revolutions" in Africa, Russia, China, Spain and other parts of the world, as well as early Anarchist labor/radical tendencies among Easten European immigrants, especially in the USA (1860's-19005). et the stickler i that the Anarchist movement generally, had no ties or solidarity to the Black population in the USA, the UK, or the colonized eople of color in the Third World. It was essentialy a white European movement. Like Sostre had said, we must manufacture our own Anarchist of Color school of thought and revolutionary practice. Nobody can truly speak for us and fight n our name. Black Autonomy means independence of thought, culture 2nd action. We are not racialseparatists, but we must be sure that we are irang enough to nsist on our poliics, leadership, and respect within any broader universal movement. We have been sold out left out, betrayed, and tricked too many times by intenal racism inside majority white coalitions and movements. Black voices matterl That is why I wrote a small pamphlet in 1972, “Anarchism and the Black Revolution" while 1 was in prison 1 197 Conclusion Martin Sostre has been lost to history because the White Left and Anarchist radical tendencies have had no regard for him or is legacy. He fierally opened the doors fot radical prisoners, Anarchist tendencies of color and radical praxi, yet not one institution or movement today fs named after him. This is an outrage which must be recognized or corrected now. ‘Groups of jalhouse lawyers should name themselves after the man who more than anyone, successfull fought for prisoners’ democratic rights, was an activist who provided an example of a revolutionary polifcal prisoner. and who prefigured the Black-led revolutonary prison movement,inclucing the Attica rebellion and prison labor and activist movements of the 197080 Ibecame an Anarchist, a jailhouse lawyer, and a prison actvist during the 1970's because of Martin Sostre. I fact, it was a result of obsenving Martins international defense committee and seeing how he was able to put pressure on the govemment, that encouraged me to create the. Free Lorenzo® movement, which resulted in my own freedom in 1984 from two fife sentences. | owe hirm a tremendous personal debt. spoke to him less than amonth n a prison cell, but it changed my ife. He had a similar impact on many others who never met hirm, but benefted from him standing up for their rghs. ‘We don't have him here today in the flesh, but we can at least honor his memory and never et t die! INTRODUCTION 7 Martin Gonzales Sostre was born in Harlem N.Y. on March 20, 1923. The years between this date and his long prison term from 1952 10 1964 were not unlike the early years of Malcolm X, Eldridge Cleaver and millions of other oppressed youth of the black colony within America. Survival and temporary escape have been the key words for how many millions of the world’s poor under the conditions of abject poverty imposed on them? ‘While in Attica State Prison, Martin, along with many other black prisoners, became aware of a bold new force at work in the grassoots of American society. lis first_ manifestations were in the Muslim newspapers smuggled into the prison, in the whispered suggestions of a Black Brotherhood and the strange but surprisingly sensible attacks on the decadent white society outside the prison wall. Martin was able to fit these ideas together with those he had picked up in Harlem as a youth. He was able to see the power of these ideas and the way they united the vast majority of mankind against the infinitesimal few who rule On his release from prison he came to Buffalo, a mere 35 miles away, and got job as a steelworker. Once on the streets, Martin saw that the youth were ready for action 10 test and refine the new ideas. And Martin himself listened with growing excitement to the reports of world-wide struggles, ever expanding, of the oppressed sgainst the oppressors: Vietaam, the Arab world, Latin America, China, Africa, Cuba. Everywhere, in the middle years of this decade, the poor were sising up. So Martin, on his carnings as a steelworker, rented a storefront in the heart of the black community of Buffalo and stocked it, s best he could, with writings on this global revolt of the poor against the rich. He called his store the Afro-Asian Bookshop. To the rich of Buffalo, the store did not go unnoticed. The visits by local and federal cops began almost immediately. After the Buffalo tebellion at the end of June in 1967 the harassment was stepped up. Martin had not been idle during the rebellion. The salc of iterature had increased greatly under the influence of “events”. To those who could not pay, he lent it and sometimes gave it away. He kept the store open all night and spoke to crowds, using pictures from magazines and the white_cops, running hog-wild in the streets outside, o illustrate his points about white colonialism and the need for black self-determination and socialism. Several days after the rebellion subsided, as an answer o his 'S activties, the cops smashed the front windows of the store and firemen hosed down the inside of the store, destroying most of the offending literature. When Martin turned this attack to his advantage by plastering political wall posters on the boarded-up windows, the cops tried to rip them down. The long black Cadillacs o city officials passed, slowing to a crawl as they passed the store. Martin informed several friends that the store was under surveillance from a window across the sreet. The final attack came on the evening of July 14th. Several carloads of non-uniformed white cops stormed the shop, arrested Geraldine Robinson, Martin Sostre and three young men in the store at the time. “The subsequent legal struggles, setbacks and gains,are described at length in an earlier pamphiet, Letters From Prison, and cannot be repeated here. For a copy of Letters, send $1.00 plus $.25 mailing cost to the Martin Sostre Defense Committee. The present work concerns the court appearances surrounding Martin Sostre’s conviction on the frame-up charges of sl and ‘possession of heroin. The testimony has been reproduced from court records and extensive notes taken by Defense Committee members. There are three main parts to the story. First is the so